A conversation with Kevin B MacDonald, for The Occidental Observer

SPLC-Extremist-Files-Kevin-MacDonald-1280x720  Kevin B. MacDonald is an American psychologist. A retired professor of psychology at California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), he is best known for writings that characterize Jewish behavior as a “group evolutionary strategy.”

  Grégoire Canlorbe: It is not uncommon to employ the locution “Judeo-Bolsheviks” to designate the 1917’s revolutionaries in Russia. Yet one seldom speaks of “Judeo-Libertarians,” even though the main intellectual leaders of libertarianism (or free-marketism) in the XX century were Jews: let one think of Milton Friedman, Israel Kirzner, Ayn Rand, Murray Rothbard, or Ludwig von Mises. How do you explain it?

  Kevin B. MacDonald: CofC stands or falls depending on whether I have adequately described certain specific intellectual and political movements as Jewish. In doing so, I focused on movements that were or are influential and provide evidence of their influence. In describing these movements, I focus on the main figures, discuss their Jewish identities and their concern with specific Jewish issues, such as combatting anti-Semitism. I discuss the dynamics of these movements—the authoritarian atmosphere, the guru phenomenon, ethnic networking, and non-Jews who participate in the movement. I am not attempting to discuss all well-known Jewish intellectuals if they are not part of these movements.

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A conversation with Michael H. Hart, for American Renaissance

d3f340_6daeb2af30d82d77142cc638c144a35d  Michael H. Hart is an American astrophysicist, historian, and white separatist militant. He is mostly known for the Fermi-Hart Paradox, and his books The 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential Persons in History and Understanding Human History. He was a speaker at the 1996 American Renaissance conference.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: You call for defending the “Judeo-Christian heritage” of American civilization against mass invasions from the Third-World. How do you sum up the values at the core of the Judeo-Christian Weltanschauung—and the outlines of your partition plan intended to preserve those?

  In the decades yet to come, do you see rather a Republican candidate or a Democrat one to run for the presidential elections under the banner of a racial-partition program?

  Michael H. Hart: I would have a hard time trying to sum up what are Judeo-Christian values. I believe our civilization’s uniqueness lies in the importance it gives to individual freedom.

  In my book Restoring America, I identified the three principal causes of our decline as follows: large-scale immigration from Latin America (in particular from Mexico), the decline of pride in our national heritage, and most importantly racial hostilities which are henceforth so great that we can no longer function effectively as a single unified country. Hence we must split into two countries.

  The partition would not be exactly a racial one. One of the two countries would be a “Red” one, consisting mostly of those regions in which conservatives make up the majority. The other would be a “Blue” country, consisting primarily of those regions in which “liberals” make up the majority.

  Hopefully secession will happen in a peaceful and voluntary manner. But I don’t believe that will be the case. I think that the partitioning will most likely occur in the context of a civil war. It will be implemented by an authoritarian figure. As for knowing whether the latter will be a Democrat or a Republican, I can make no prediction. Many of my conservative acquaintances are silently in favor of partition though.

  I should make it clear that I do not advocate dividing the USA long racial lines. (I once had that idea, but I no longer do.). In Restoring America, I suggest dividing the country between the conservatives and the leftists. I anticipate that most blacks—but not all—will choose to live in the leftist country. But I expect that a substantial number—perhaps about a million—will choose to live in the conservative country. They should be accepted by the conservative country without any reservations.

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For an Archeofuturist Renewal of Catholicism

  The following article was first published on the Council of European Canadians.

“The confusion goes so far that one stigmatizes with the most insulting names the great virtuoso of life (whose sovereignty of oneself constitutes the most marked contrast with the vicious and the debauchee). Even today it is thought necessary to disapprove a Caesar Borgia: that is laughable. The Church excommunicated German emperors because of their vices: as if any monk or priest could afford to discuss all that a Frederick II has the right to demand of himself. A Don Juan is sent to hell: it’s naive. Has one noticed that all the interesting men are missing in Heaven?”
Friedrich Nietzsche, in Posthumous Fragments

  The contemporary crisis of the Catholic Church assumes two aspects. On the one hand, there is the spiritual gynecocracy in the nets of which the Roman Church has fallen: it is symbolically testified by the putting forward of the Virgin Mary onto a level equal (if not superior) to the Father in the contemporary liturgy; and, in terms of political and economic recommendations, it is testified by the socialism, the cosmopolitanism, and the ecologism of Pope Francis. On the other hand, there is the deflection of the feeling of guilt, which no longer plays in Western society its role of regulation of economic and domestic individualism—individualism that was formerly encouraged by the Church with the twin revolutions of the Popes Gregory the Great and Gregory VII—but which drives Westerners into a slow suicide of their race and of their civilization. And this with the ideological and militant complicity of the Catholic Church.

  Added to this is the disarray of Catholics in a world where Providence seems to have become American-Zionist: a world where God seems to have abandoned the Catholic peoples, and where Americans and Israelis now seem to be the beloved nations of the Lord, the apple of His eyes. In this article, we intend to promote an archeofuturist renewal of Catholicism: a revival of the Roman Church, and of its discourse, on the basis of the archeofuturism from philosopher Guillaume Faye. Before going further in the definition of archeofuturism (and in our personal version of the notion), we can already state that an archeofuturist Catholicism would consist in reconciling domestic and economic individualism with these two Indo-European archaisms that are permanent innovation and the aristocratic-warlike ethos. Technically, it would mean returning to the Borgia and to the syncretism of the Italian Renaissance between Judeo-Christianity and Greco-Roman paganism.

I. The Catholic Church, in the nets of spiritual gynecocracy

  By spiritual gynecocracy, one must understand an ideology of the nurturing and caring Mother, be this goddess explicitly mentioned or be the ideology in question limited to clarifying the mores and institutions that derive from such a cult. First consequence: equality, whether in a legal (with libertarianism), economic (with socialism), or ethnic sense (with cosmopolitanism); gynecocracy envisions human beings, not only as being all sons of the Mother, but as being equal sons. Second consequence: the hegemony of the productive and reproductive function, which means that in the scale of values, economy (understood as the production of goods required for material comfort or enjoyment in the broad sense) passes before war and sovereignty. Third consequence: ecologism, understood as refusal of growth and of industrial exploitation.

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A conversation with Ricardo Duchesne, for The Occidental Observer

 

ricardo-duchesne  Ricardo Duchesne is a Canadian historical sociologist and professor at the University of New Brunswick. His main research interests notably include the Indo-European aristocratic-warlike and individualist ethos, the Faustian mentality and the creativeness of Western civilization from ancient Greek times to the present, and the pernicious effects of the multicultural and multiracial ideal on modern Western society.

This conversation was published on Kevin B. MacDonald’s The Occidental Observer (in three parts), on 31 January 2019.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: In your eyes, the European civilization of the White man has been systemically downsized by contemporary world historians—to name but a few, Patrick O’Brien, Sebastian Conrad, or Ian Morris. Could you develop?

  Ricardo Duchesne: At this point in time, the downplaying of European civilization goes well beyond the observations I made in The Uniqueness of Western Civilization (2011). The globalist establishment is no longer satisfied with the replacement of Western Civ courses, which were part of the standard curriculum in North America throughout much of the twentieth century, with Multicultural World History surveys that emphasize “reciprocal connections within the globe.” The academic establishment is no longer satisfied instructing students that European achievements can only be understood in connection with the rest of the world’s cultures, that Muslims were key creators of the West no less than Christians, that the Scientific Revolution, the Enlightenment, and the Industrial Revolution, were world historical affairs, that Europe only managed to industrialize thanks to the resources and hard labor of Africans and Aboriginals. That is no longer enough, they are now insisting, as I indicated in my second book, Faustian Man in a Multicultural Age (2017), that Europeans don’t have a distinctive identity because they have been mixing racially for thousands of years as a result of migratory movements. They are forcing their students to equate the current state-sponsored immigration movements from the Third World, purposely aimed at diversifying all White nations, with internal European migrations that occurred over the course of many centuries. They are trying to strip Europeans of any sense of ethnic identity, by making them believe that the race-mixing globalists are incessantly promoting today is a natural continuation of migratory movements thousands of years ago.

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A conversation with Greg Johnson, for American Renaissance

Greg Johnson  Greg Johnson, Ph.D., is editor-in-chief of Counter-Currents Publishing, and editor of North American New Right. He is the author nine books, including Confessions of a Reluctant HaterNew Right vs. Old RightTruth, Justice, and a Nice White CountryIn Defense of PrejudiceYou Asked for ItThe White Nationalist Manifesto; and the soon-to-be-released Toward a New Nationalism. He is also the editor of many volumes; the latest is a comprehensive anthology called The Alternative Right. The following conversation was first published on American Renaissance, in a slightly abridged version.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: How do you move from traditionalist nationalism (i.e., restoring the Indo-European warlike and sacerdotal order) to white nationalism (i.e., protecting white identity)?

  Greg Johnson: I am more of an archeofuturist than a traditionalist on these sorts of matters. I think we need to bring back certain archaic values—ethnocentrism and a warrior rather than bourgeois ethos—and infuse them into modern institutions, such as the Westphalian sovereign ethnostate.

  But I am not really interested in restoring an old warlike and sacerdotal order. What would that even entail? Restoring monarchies and state churches? At best, those are only approximations—images or symbols—of larger truths about society and the cosmos. They are certainly not viable political solutions for the problems facing white peoples today.

  All white peoples around the world are threatened by simple biological extinction due to loss of homelands where we can securely live and breed, competition from non-white invaders, hybridization with non-whites, and outright predation by non-whites.

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A conversation with former Czech President Václav Klaus, for John Bolton’s Gatestone Institute

vklaus_1  Václav Klaus is a Czech economist and politician who served as the second President of the Czech Republic from 2003 to 2013. He also served as the second and last Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, federal subject of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic, from July 1992 until the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in January 1993, and as the first Prime Minister of the newly-independent Czech Republic from 1993 to 1998. He is known for his euroscepticism, denial of man-caused global warming, opposition to mass immigration, and support of free market capitalism.

  This conversation with Grégoire Canlorbe took place in Paris, in December 2017. It was first published on John Bolton’s Gatestone Institute. You may find the Czech translation here.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: People are often defined by a common worldview rather than by genetics or where they live. In view of the situation in the Czech Republic, do you agree?

  Václav Klaus: I would return the issue to the defense of the Nation-State. I truly believe in the Nation-State, therefore I am so critical of the continental ambitions of many European officials. I do not believe in the European Union or the European integration. This is for me the starting point.

  For me, the Nation-State is the only possible way to have democracy. Democracy simply cannot exist at a higher level, as in continents, let alone global democracy in the world. So, my starting point is the Nation-State, the defense of the Nation-State, and the fighting continental integration.

  In this respect, I am in favor of Trump. Donald Trump is not my cup of tea personally, intellectually, but his position on many issues is a positive one. I especially think of his refusal to sign the Paris Agreement, his important speeches like that in Warsaw in the summer or that in the United Nations in September, defending the Nation-States, culture, traditions, habits, mores and behaviors, lifestyles. It is something that I feel is with Trump, something that Hillary Clinton would never, never say.

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A conversation with Frédéric Delavier, for Counter-Currents Publishing

Frédéric Delavier  Frédéric Delavier is a French author of books on bodybuilding, who also became a philosopher. His book Guide to Bodybuilding Movements first published in 1998 was a worldwide bestseller with over 2 million copies sold. It has been translated into more than 30 languages. Frédéric Delavier is also known as an educational or critical videographer on his YouTube channel. He recently published a treatise in philosophy, The awakening of consciousnesses [in French: L’Éveil des Consciences], which is awaiting translation into English. The following interview was first published on Counter-Currents Publishing.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: Could you start by telling us about what motivated your decision to pursue a career in sculpting the body and in writing books on the subject?

  Frédéric Delavier: To tell the truth, I have never been a bodybuilder, despite the fact that everyone presents me as such. I do bodybuilding because I like it, and because I like to walk around with a solid form; but I never wanted to have a bodybuilder physique. When I started bodybuilding in my youth, I saw it as a complement to the combat sports that I practiced: a way to increase my strength and therefore my dangerousness on the tatami. I naturally frequented, and observed, bodybuilders on this occasion.

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Libertarianism, cosmopolitanism, and Indo-European tradition

  Warning: this article lies on a metapolitical and ideal level, and not on a programmatic and political level. It was first published on « Counter-Currents Publishing. »

11-19-18-10-1  The obsession of liberals [libertarians, either “classical liberals” or “anarcho-capitalists”] with condemning economic or cultural Marxism is a dead end. Saving Western civilization requires the wisdom to identify, the courage to name, the true contemporary enemy of the West: cosmopolitanism. Cultural Marxism is a sluggish expression, which may at best designate Gramsci’s doctrine that Marxists must, before attempting the Revolution, achieve cultural hegemony; as for economic Marxism, which is only a way of designating communism and planning, it subsists at the margin. Cosmopolitanism is the ideology promoted by the “global superclass,” according to the expression popularized (if not initiated) by Samuel Huntington: the world superclass consists of a transnational network of uprooted and denationalized people, whose gestation dates back at least to the beginning of the 20th century and whose constitution accelerated with the fall of the Soviet bloc. This article aims to elucidate the conceptual relations between liberalism [libertarianism] and cosmopolitanism; and will outline the contours of a new variety of liberalism: a liberalism simultaneously directed against bourgeois nationalism and against cosmopolitanism.

Definition of cosmopolitism

  By cosmopolitan ideology, one must understand, here, the ideology that rejects humanity divided into nations. As such, cosmopolitanism condemns the particular mode of organization that characterizes a nation, which confers on a group of individuals the identity and the unity of a nation. That mode of organization is the following: a relative genetic homogeneity, as well as cultural; a chain of social and juridical ranks that goes back to a sovereign political authority (i.e., the supreme authority within the government); a territory that is covered by, and which limits, this hierarchical and homogeneous organization. Cosmopolitanism attacks the sense of territory and therefore borders, by forbidding governments to defend nations against indiscriminate free trade or free immigration. It also attacks the juridico-political hierarchy of a nation, in advocating the sole income and occupation inequalities, or in defending a world government. Finally, cosmopolitanism condemns the genetic and cultural differences between nations: not content with advocating the relativism of values within each nation—the abolition of moral boundaries enacted within them—it praises the leveling of races and cultures.

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A conversation with Jared Taylor, for Counter-Currents Publishing

3-12-18-4-768x965  Samuel Jared Taylor is a Japan-born American white advocate. He is the founder and editor of the online magazine American Renaissance. Taylor is also the president of American Renaissance’s parent organization, New Century Foundation.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: With the benefit of hindsight, what was the Golden Age of race relations in the USA? May it have been segregation?

  Jared Taylor: There has never been a Golden Age of race relations. I think it’s impossible to have a Golden Age of race relations because race relations are inherently conflictual.

  Segregation was better in the sense that when Blacks and Whites do not come into contact, there is less conflict. It was also better in some respects for Blacks because, today, an intelligent, hardworking black person can get out of a black neighborhood and live in a white neighborhood. During segregation, competent, intelligent Black people lived in Black neighborhoods, and they could be role models. For that reason, there are many Blacks who say that segregation was better for Blacks because they had a full range of rich people/poor people, working people/non-working people, married people/single people, whereas, now, the black neighborhoods often have only the worst of the Blacks. Many have become areas of great degeneracy, which are very bad for Blacks and very bad for the country.

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Une conversation avec Olivier Piacentini, pour Suavelos

vignette-zoom-2017-01-23  Olivier Piacentini est depuis 17 ans le directeur d’un cabinet de conseil spécialisé dans la création d’entreprises, mais aussi essayiste prolifique et politologue, souvent invité dans des émissions radiophoniques et télévisées. Cette conversation avec Grégoire Canlorbe, Vice Président du Parti National-Libéral, a eu lieu à Paris en avril 2018.

  Grégoire Canlorbe : Pourriez-vous commencer par nous parler de votre proximité vis-à-vis des « jeunes de quartier » qui se lancent dans la création d’entreprise – et doivent endurer l’oppression des taxes et du code du travail ? Jusqu’à quel point vos essais sur la France, le déclin, et la mondialisation empruntent-ils à cette expérience de terrain ?

  Olivier Piacentini : Je dirige depuis 17 ans un cabinet de conseil spécialisé dans l’assistance aux créateurs d’entreprises. Situé dans le département de Seine Saint Denis (le fameux 9-3), je suis amené à travailler souvent avec des jeunes de banlieue, dont certains ont eu un parcours chaotique, parfois même la délinquance, avant de se ranger et de vouloir créer leur propre emploi. C’est là que l’incohérence, voire l’injustice, du système Français saute aux yeux : auparavant dans l’oisiveté, l’échec, ou l’illégalité, ces jeunes se trouvaient excusés par un système judiciaire laxiste, victimisés par les discours des assistantes sociales, des avocats etc. Pour ceux qui décident de sortir de l’ornière, la surprise est grande de constater qu’à peine les statuts de la société déposés au greffe, ils passent sans transition de l’autre côté de la barrière : de victimes, ils deviennent des patrons, donc des exploiteurs, des profiteurs, et ne bénéficient plus de l’assistance des pouvoirs publics, mais subissent, au même titre que tous les autres indépendants, l’oppression fiscale et réglementaire qui finit par en décourager bon nombre. Continuer la lecture de « Une conversation avec Olivier Piacentini, pour Suavelos »