A conversation with Greg Johnson, for American Renaissance

Greg Johnson  Greg Johnson, Ph.D., is editor-in-chief of Counter-Currents Publishing, and editor of North American New Right. He is the author nine books, including Confessions of a Reluctant HaterNew Right vs. Old RightTruth, Justice, and a Nice White CountryIn Defense of PrejudiceYou Asked for ItThe White Nationalist Manifesto; and the soon-to-be-released Toward a New Nationalism. He is also the editor of many volumes; the latest is a comprehensive anthology called The Alternative Right. The following conversation was first published on American Renaissance, in a slightly abridged version.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: How do you move from traditionalist nationalism (i.e., restoring the Indo-European warlike and sacerdotal order) to white nationalism (i.e., protecting white identity)?

  Greg Johnson: I am more of an archeofuturist than a traditionalist on these sorts of matters. I think we need to bring back certain archaic values—ethnocentrism and a warrior rather than bourgeois ethos—and infuse them into modern institutions, such as the Westphalian sovereign ethnostate.

  But I am not really interested in restoring an old warlike and sacerdotal order. What would that even entail? Restoring monarchies and state churches? At best, those are only approximations—images or symbols—of larger truths about society and the cosmos. They are certainly not viable political solutions for the problems facing white peoples today.

  All white peoples around the world are threatened by simple biological extinction due to loss of homelands where we can securely live and breed, competition from non-white invaders, hybridization with non-whites, and outright predation by non-whites.

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A conversation with former Czech President Václav Klaus, for John Bolton’s Gatestone Institute

vklaus_1  Václav Klaus is a Czech economist and politician who served as the second President of the Czech Republic from 2003 to 2013. He also served as the second and last Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, federal subject of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic, from July 1992 until the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in January 1993, and as the first Prime Minister of the newly-independent Czech Republic from 1993 to 1998. He is known for his euroscepticism, denial of man-caused global warming, opposition to mass immigration, and support of free market capitalism.

  This conversation with Grégoire Canlorbe took place in Paris, in December 2017. It was first published on John Bolton’s Gatestone Institute. You may find the Czech translation here.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: People are often defined by a common worldview rather than by genetics or where they live. In view of the situation in the Czech Republic, do you agree?

  Václav Klaus: I would return the issue to the defense of the Nation-State. I truly believe in the Nation-State, therefore I am so critical of the continental ambitions of many European officials. I do not believe in the European Union or the European integration. This is for me the starting point.

  For me, the Nation-State is the only possible way to have democracy. Democracy simply cannot exist at a higher level, as in continents, let alone global democracy in the world. So, my starting point is the Nation-State, the defense of the Nation-State, and the fighting continental integration.

  In this respect, I am in favor of Trump. Donald Trump is not my cup of tea personally, intellectually, but his position on many issues is a positive one. I especially think of his refusal to sign the Paris Agreement, his important speeches like that in Warsaw in the summer or that in the United Nations in September, defending the Nation-States, culture, traditions, habits, mores and behaviors, lifestyles. It is something that I feel is with Trump, something that Hillary Clinton would never, never say.

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A conversation with Frédéric Delavier, for Counter-Currents Publishing

Frédéric Delavier  Frédéric Delavier is a French author of books on bodybuilding, who also became a philosopher. His book Guide to Bodybuilding Movements first published in 1998 was a worldwide bestseller with over 2 million copies sold. It has been translated into more than 30 languages. Frédéric Delavier is also known as an educational or critical videographer on his YouTube channel. He recently published a treatise in philosophy, The awakening of consciousnesses [in French: L’Éveil des Consciences], which is awaiting translation into English. The following interview was first published on Counter-Currents Publishing.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: Could you start by telling us about what motivated your decision to pursue a career in sculpting the body and in writing books on the subject?

  Frédéric Delavier: To tell the truth, I have never been a bodybuilder, despite the fact that everyone presents me as such. I do bodybuilding because I like it, and because I like to walk around with a solid form; but I never wanted to have a bodybuilder physique. When I started bodybuilding in my youth, I saw it as a complement to the combat sports that I practiced: a way to increase my strength and therefore my dangerousness on the tatami. I naturally frequented, and observed, bodybuilders on this occasion.

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Libertarianism, cosmopolitanism, and Indo-European tradition

  Warning: this article lies on a metapolitical and ideal level, and not on a programmatic and political level. It was first published on « Counter-Currents Publishing. »

11-19-18-10-1  The obsession of liberals [libertarians, either “classical liberals” or “anarcho-capitalists”] with condemning economic or cultural Marxism is a dead end. Saving Western civilization requires the wisdom to identify, the courage to name, the true contemporary enemy of the West: cosmopolitanism. Cultural Marxism is a sluggish expression, which may at best designate Gramsci’s doctrine that Marxists must, before attempting the Revolution, achieve cultural hegemony; as for economic Marxism, which is only a way of designating communism and planning, it subsists at the margin. Cosmopolitanism is the ideology promoted by the “global superclass,” according to the expression popularized (if not initiated) by Samuel Huntington: the world superclass consists of a transnational network of uprooted and denationalized people, whose gestation dates back at least to the beginning of the 20th century and whose constitution accelerated with the fall of the Soviet bloc. This article aims to elucidate the conceptual relations between liberalism [libertarianism] and cosmopolitanism; and will outline the contours of a new variety of liberalism: a liberalism simultaneously directed against bourgeois nationalism and against cosmopolitanism.

Definition of cosmopolitism

  By cosmopolitan ideology, one must understand, here, the ideology that rejects humanity divided into nations. As such, cosmopolitanism condemns the particular mode of organization that characterizes a nation, which confers on a group of individuals the identity and the unity of a nation. That mode of organization is the following: a relative genetic homogeneity, as well as cultural; a chain of social and juridical ranks that goes back to a sovereign political authority (i.e., the supreme authority within the government); a territory that is covered by, and which limits, this hierarchical and homogeneous organization. Cosmopolitanism attacks the sense of territory and therefore borders, by forbidding governments to defend nations against indiscriminate free trade or free immigration. It also attacks the juridico-political hierarchy of a nation, in advocating the sole income and occupation inequalities, or in defending a world government. Finally, cosmopolitanism condemns the genetic and cultural differences between nations: not content with advocating the relativism of values within each nation—the abolition of moral boundaries enacted within them—it praises the leveling of races and cultures.

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A conversation with Jared Taylor, for Counter-Currents Publishing

3-12-18-4-768x965  Samuel Jared Taylor is a Japan-born American white advocate. He is the founder and editor of the online magazine American Renaissance. Taylor is also the president of American Renaissance’s parent organization, New Century Foundation.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: With the benefit of hindsight, what was the Golden Age of race relations in the USA? May it have been segregation?

  Jared Taylor: There has never been a Golden Age of race relations. I think it’s impossible to have a Golden Age of race relations because race relations are inherently conflictual.

  Segregation was better in the sense that when Blacks and Whites do not come into contact, there is less conflict. It was also better in some respects for Blacks because, today, an intelligent, hardworking black person can get out of a black neighborhood and live in a white neighborhood. During segregation, competent, intelligent Black people lived in Black neighborhoods, and they could be role models. For that reason, there are many Blacks who say that segregation was better for Blacks because they had a full range of rich people/poor people, working people/non-working people, married people/single people, whereas, now, the black neighborhoods often have only the worst of the Blacks. Many have become areas of great degeneracy, which are very bad for Blacks and very bad for the country.

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Antiracism, the Trojan horse for the “Great Replacement”

The following piece was originally published by American Renaissance, on  September 21, 2018.

  There exist at least two lefts: the socialist left and the cosmopolitan left. One promotes income equality and the planned economy; the other promotes the erasure of nations, the leveling of races and cultures, the abolition of physical and moral boundaries. Among liberals [libertarians, free-marketers], some oppose opening borders to mass immigration, but denounce only socialism rather than cosmopolitanism—as if opening borders were only a modality of socialism, another way of redistributing the incomes from rich countries towards the migrants from poor countries.

  This intellectual and moral mistake plays into the hands of the transnational elites who manipulate the political life in Western nations—a group I call the world superclass. In daring to denounce cosmopolitanism, National Liberalism—the movement of which I am a part—defends sovereign nations and opposes the global superclass. National Liberalism does not care only about economic freedoms; it fights to safeguard the bio-cultural identity of nations.


Emergence of national-liberalism on the French political stage

  The election of Donald Trump and the entry into government by Sebastian Kurz and Heinz Christian Strache in Austria and Matteo Salvini in Italy are serious setbacks for the world superclass. In France, Emmanuel Macron has been appointed by the European elites to stem the tide of Western “populism.” Founded and chaired by Henry de Lesquen, the Parti National-Libéral [in English: National-Liberal Party, or National-Libertarian Party], intends to lead the right. Continuer la lecture de « Antiracism, the Trojan horse for the “Great Replacement” »

Une conversation avec Olivier Piacentini, pour Suavelos

vignette-zoom-2017-01-23  Olivier Piacentini est depuis 17 ans le directeur d’un cabinet de conseil spécialisé dans la création d’entreprises, mais aussi essayiste prolifique et politologue, souvent invité dans des émissions radiophoniques et télévisées. Cette conversation avec Grégoire Canlorbe, Vice Président du Parti National-Libéral, a eu lieu à Paris en avril 2018.

  Grégoire Canlorbe : Pourriez-vous commencer par nous parler de votre proximité vis-à-vis des « jeunes de quartier » qui se lancent dans la création d’entreprise – et doivent endurer l’oppression des taxes et du code du travail ? Jusqu’à quel point vos essais sur la France, le déclin, et la mondialisation empruntent-ils à cette expérience de terrain ?

  Olivier Piacentini : Je dirige depuis 17 ans un cabinet de conseil spécialisé dans l’assistance aux créateurs d’entreprises. Situé dans le département de Seine Saint Denis (le fameux 9-3), je suis amené à travailler souvent avec des jeunes de banlieue, dont certains ont eu un parcours chaotique, parfois même la délinquance, avant de se ranger et de vouloir créer leur propre emploi. C’est là que l’incohérence, voire l’injustice, du système Français saute aux yeux : auparavant dans l’oisiveté, l’échec, ou l’illégalité, ces jeunes se trouvaient excusés par un système judiciaire laxiste, victimisés par les discours des assistantes sociales, des avocats etc. Pour ceux qui décident de sortir de l’ornière, la surprise est grande de constater qu’à peine les statuts de la société déposés au greffe, ils passent sans transition de l’autre côté de la barrière : de victimes, ils deviennent des patrons, donc des exploiteurs, des profiteurs, et ne bénéficient plus de l’assistance des pouvoirs publics, mais subissent, au même titre que tous les autres indépendants, l’oppression fiscale et réglementaire qui finit par en décourager bon nombre. Continuer la lecture de « Une conversation avec Olivier Piacentini, pour Suavelos »

A conversation with Daniel Conversano, for American Renaissance

35791548_2139485879663676_5280895794918981632_n  Daniel Conversano, co-founder of the Suavelos association, is a Franco-Italian thinker and novelist who defines himself as a white advocate and Westernist. He is the author of Désolé Jean-Pierre, and publishes twice a month long filmed interviews with figures of nationalism, cultural and political interviews that he has been conducting since April 2016. The program is called “Vive l’Europe” and is very successful on the French-speaking net.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: How do you move from fighting for the nation to fighting for the white race?

  Daniel Conversano: In my opinion, there is no nation without a people. This is why I have long defined myself as a nationalist and not as a patriot, the difference between the two being that the nationalist takes into consideration the people in its racial dimension—the blood. France is a white country, like all European countries. The population of a white nation may change ethnically from one European group to another, it will remain a white country, and therefore a European nation.

Continuer la lecture de « A conversation with Daniel Conversano, for American Renaissance »

A conversation with Guillaume Faye, for American Renaissance

260px-Guillaume_Faye_par_Claude_Truong-Ngoc_février_2015  Guillaume Faye is a French philosopher, known for his judeophile right-wing paganism, his call for a Eurosiberian Federation of white ethno-states, or his concept of archeofuturism, which involves combining traditionalist spirituality and concepts of sovereignty with the latest advances in science and technology.

  Grégoire Canlorbe: In my opinion, the liberalism [libertarianism, free-markets] of tomorrow will be a liberalism at the crossroads of Julius Evola and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti—a reconciliation that Italian Fascism basically failed to achieve. In other words, the liberalism of the future will be an archeofuturist liberalism. Do you envision France as a fertile ground for this new liberalism?

  Guillaume Faye: If one considers France from the point of view of Frédéric Bastiat, it is basically a communist country. In fact, France is today more communist than the Soviet Union ever was. It is one of the last bastions of communism in a world that is now profoundly liberal. Not only does government spending represent more than 58 percent of GDP, and redistribution expenditure more than 50 percent of GDP, but with a population that represents less than 1 percent of the world’s population, France represents 15 percent of the world’s welfare state redistribution.

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Why the Right should espouse climate-realism

  The following article is also available on Watts Up With That and CASF.  It was published in French by Friends of Science.

By Grégoire Canlorbe, Vice President of the Parti National-Libéral

  “The agreement of the Paris COP 21 was not signed to save the planet and to prevent us from roasting due to an imaginary temperature increase of +2°C. Behind all that masquerade is hidden, as always, the ugly face of power, greed, and profit. All the industrialists who are in favor of that commitment, which will ruin Europe and immensely impoverish its citizens, do so for the good reason they find in it a huge and easy source of income. As for NGOs, when they are not simply motivated by greed, their motive consists in a resolutely Malthusian ideology. Their object is to return the world to a very small population, on the order of a few hundred million people. To do so, they impoverish the world, remove the power of fossil fuel energies, and thus ensure that the number of deaths increases.”

Professor István Markó (1956 – 2017)

  The eminent Davos man that is Emmanuel Macron does not only profess his faith in cosmopolitanism—namely, the refusal of sovereign nations, as well as of genetic and cultural differences (between men), and of moral boundaries (in the human heart).[i] Climate activism, which fights for the reduction of the human emissions of carbon dioxide—in the name of the warming supposedly caused by those same emissions—occupies an essential place in the creed of the current French President, who does not hesitate to challenge Trump on this ground. Be it climate activism or cosmopolitanism, Macron’s conceptions lie in the lineage of the global superclass whose emissary he is.

Continuer la lecture de « Why the Right should espouse climate-realism »